‘When we talk about the National Atomic Energy Commission, what should an ordinary person think of?’ asked Tanzanian journalist Ramadhan Mvungi in a 2021 morning show interview. ‘Many people think of a bomb’, answered a Tanzania Atomic Energy Commission (TAEC) public relations officer. A second TAEC interviewee shifted the tone of the interview by affirming that nuclear technology can be beneficial to ordinary Tanzanians and not endanger their lives. He explained how building domestic laboratories helped strengthen Tanzania’s regulatory capacity, and that nuclear technology can provide health benefits and improve agricultural outputs. Rounding out the interview on an optimistic, confident note, the TAEC regulator assured the public that, given ‘the radiation sources we currently have in the country and the capacity that the commission has … we do not expect major harm’.
Climate activists (and many others) are calling for increased investment in nuclear energy as a potentially carbon neutral energy source. At the same time, longstanding concerns about nuclear power, its antecedents, and its afterlives, remain essentially unresolved.
Mvungi’s interview places atomic energy in Tanzania at the center of what may be a global reckoning for nuclear power. Climate activists (and many others) are calling for increased investment in nuclear energy as a potentially carbon neutral energy source. At the same time, longstanding concerns about nuclear power, its antecedents, and its afterlives, remain essentially unresolved. In what follows, I engage with digital ethnographic material from the Tanzania Atomic Energy Commission (TAEC) to consider the ways that regulators from the Tanzanian government are shaping how ordinary citizens think of their country’s management and regulation of atomic energy.
The Tanzanian government’s current relationship to the nuclear fits into a longer trajectory. Following the position of its first president, Julius Nyerere, Tanzania opposed mid-twentieth century French atomic testing in West Africa and South African Apartheid nuclear weapons. Nonetheless, the Tanzanian government repeatedly demonstrated interest in domestic uranium mining since independence in 1961 and the modernizing possibilities of nuclear energy generation. After discovering commercial-grade uranium deposits in the 1980s, the Tanzanian government approved a slew of exploration permits in the early 2000s. This ultimately led to the development of the Mkuju River Project (MRP) uranium mine, which opened in 2015, but has yet to begin commercial uranium mining. In 2021, TAEC Director General Lazaro Busagala announced a plan to build a radiopharmaceutical plant, reducing the time lag that diminishes the potency of nuclear medicines and cutting reliance on South African imports. In 2023, a Tanzanian official announced Tanzania’s interest in small modular reactors (SMRs), marking a shift to vocally pursuing nuclear power generation. TAEC has been developing plans for a food irradiation facility and is supporting a government scholarship fund to send Tanzanian students abroad to study nuclear sciences (Figure 1).
Figure 1: TAEC shared details of the nuclear science scholarship on X. Author’s archives.
Atomic energy regulators, in Tanzania as elsewhere, balance the possibilities of nuclear technologies for power, health, and technological advancement with the multifaceted risks of the infinite half-life of radioactive waste
TAEC and its public engagements offer a window into this particular moment in nuclear history from the perspective of a non-nuclear power, middle-income, East African nation, on the brink of commercial uranium mining, looking to nuclear science and its potential technological advantages. Mvungi’s interview put TAEC regulators in the public eye to demystify their work regulating the safe use of radiation and promoting nuclear technology. Atomic energy regulators, in Tanzania as elsewhere, balance the possibilities of nuclear technologies for power, health, and technological advancement with the multifaceted risks of the infinite half-life of radioactive waste, which exceeds human time constraints and state boundaries. TAEC, as national regulator for natural and man-made radiation in Tanzania, has domestic branches providing day-to-day regulatory services, a headquarters engaged in national level planning and public engagement, and cross-scalar relationships with multinational nuclear energy agencies and advisory boards. Its digital communications are part of its efforts to fulfil a legal mandate to ‘provide public education on the benefits and effects of nuclear technology’ (The Atomic Energy Act. No.7 of 2003). By examining TAEC’s digital engagements with the Tanzanian public, I focus on the political and social dimensions of the agency’s regulatory work. I argue that the agency’s digital messaging attempts to build the public’s trust in regulatory authority by projecting an optimistic vision for a nuclear future through three tactics: 1) via links to the Tanzanian state; 2) by connecting with international institutions; and 3) by elevating TAEC experts. The texture of these futures comes out in two music videos, which I highlight in the next section.
Music Videos: Aesthetics of Atomic Energy and Optimism
Figure 2: Clip from Tanzanian singer Peter Msechu’s official music video for TAEC.
At this potentially decisive junction where Tanzania’s interest in uranium mining and nuclear power generation runs high, TAEC places its regulators on traditional broadcast media platforms like TV and radio. At the same time, TAEC attempts to reach its publics through digital media, including through music videos (Figure 2). TAEC’s official music video features recently built and remodelled TAEC facilities foregrounded by a familiar-sounding song style and visual cues from the country’s popular music scene.1 Tanzanian singer Peter Msechu repeatedly invokes the TAEC agency tag line of ‘Radiation for safe use’ (mionzi kwa matumizi salama) alongsiderefrains congratulating President Samia Suluhu Hassan. Riffing on previous president John Magufuli’s command ‘hapa kazi tu’ (only work here), Msechu sings the refrain: ‘Let the work continue’ (Kazi iendelee). The singer also echoes calls for nuclear technology for national development (Teknolojia yenye nyuklia kwa maendeleo ya taifa).
Figure 3: Tanzanian singer Peter Msechu in personal protective equipment, dancing alongside equipment in the new EU-supported laboratory at TAEC (still from music video).
Msechu’s lyrics describe TAEC to listeners as:
Controlling the safe use of radiation in the country
to protect the environment,
patients, workers, and citizens
from harm of radiation,
issuing permits for the use of radiation sources in the country,
inspecting centres with radiation sources
to enforce the atomic energy law
and its regulations,
testing food samples,
fertilizer and animal feed,
tobacco and its products
measuring radiation
levels on cell towers.
This verse broadcasts TAEC’s offline regulatory work, explaining who the agency works for (the environment, patients, workers, citizens), specific actions it takes (testing food, tobacco, animal feed), and various kinds of audits and certifications in its legal remit. Another verse details other regulatory responsibilities, and places TAEC’s work in the national political context, as the result of President Samia’s strong leadership.
The upbeat rhythm of the music video and the adoring lyrics speak to TAEC efforts to project an image of itself as a confident regulator, behaving in predictable ways, in the interest of all Tanzanians. The music video also illustrates how Tanzania is positioning itself as a modern, regional hub for nuclear science and technology. The recently constructed laboratory in Arusha, with equipment provided by the European Union, for instance, features prominently in Msechu’s music video. In this video and elsewhere on social media, TAEC representatives announce their expanding nuclear technology ambitions, but also almost never mention the uranium mine (MRP) or any other mines which may expose workers to radiation. Perhaps radiation in mines lies outside popular worries that TAEC understands need managing, or, like Gabrielle Hecht (2012) argues, Tanzania classified uranium from mines as harmless and segregated from the technoscientific scrutiny of refined uranium and its associated dangers.
This two-pronged palliative approach (publicly minimizing the possibilities of harm and not mentioning the risks associated with mining) coexists with TAEC’s public preparations for nuclear disaster. In 2024, Tanzania conducted a large-scale simulation for a chemical, biological, or radiological incident with support from the EU. Hosted with fanfare, the event was marked with another official music video, called ‘Zokikita’ (Figure 4).
Figure 4: Clip from Tanzanian singer Mrisho Mpoto’s official music video highlighting Tanzania’s nuclear disaster preparedness training.
In the video, Tanzanians in full protective gear simulate a disaster involving a biological weapon or a small, radioactive device, and the associated decontamination procedures. In front of a distinguished audience including the Tanzanian Prime Minister, members of the military and the police, singer Mrisho Mpoto2 repeatedly thanks the government for protecting the Tanzanian citizenry from a chemical, biological, or radiological disaster. Mrisho Mpoto raps that:
we say thank you for signing
two important documents:
the national plan for addressing chemical, biological, radiological, and nuclear threats,
and the national plan
for preparedness and response
to nuclear and radiological emergencies
Mpoto’s words link this disaster simulation with a legislative architecture for safeguarding Tanzania’s nuclear future. Contrasting with the potentially scary or threatening content of the exercise, using a buoyant rhythm and optimistic tone, Mpoto goes on to praise President Samia, the TAEC Director General, and other politicians.3 The lyrics celebrate the successes of (former) TAEC Director General Busagala, including opening the nuclear science laboratory in Arusha, as well as regional offices across the country. The video projects the image a regulatory ecosystem of multiple agencies with the capacity to cooperate and handle potential disasters in a calm, orderly manner.
Figure 5: Still from Mrisho Mpoto’s music video, highlighting a nuclear disaster preparedness exercise in the foreground, with photographers covering the event seen in the background.
Atomic Regulators, Communication, and Trust
The regulators’ public engagement echoes a modernizing optimism for the future, marked more by hope than by fear.
Tanzanian nuclear energy regulators’ online communications focus on using nuclear technology to advance the country’s development agenda. On digital media, their attitude towards nuclear power is less about a ‘climate neutral’ energy source, and instead about meeting growing energy needs and economic expectations. The regulators’ public engagement echoes a modernizing optimism for the future, marked more by hope than by fear. TAEC’s outreach engages with a wider sense of the possibilities of harnessing scientifically and technologically advanced, prestige infrastructure.
As in the music videos, across digital platforms TAEC positions itself as a trusted domestic institution, a reputable regulator of potentially harmful forces. TAEC’s digital efforts to translate nuclear information across language and knowledge boundaries attempt to build trust in science and in government regulatory capacity. However, it remains unclear how this work leads to trust in nuclear science and TAEC officials themselves. Trust—appearing here in a multiplicity of forms and strategies—is not explicitly voiced in TAEC’s digital rhetoric. But still, TAEC attempts to build and garner trust in a number of ways: 1) through legislated links to the Tanzanian state; 2) as connected to international institutions; and 3) by emphasizing the expertise of TAEC personnel.
Figure 6: TAEC, explaining increased compliance checks with the law on the safe use of radiation (posted on X, 2024). Author’s archives.
First, TAEC as regulator embeds itself in its legal requirements, grounding its trustworthiness to its connection to the Tanzanian state and those figures and institutions who uphold it.4 On social media, TAEC presents itself as fulfilling requirements spelled out in specific laws (Figure 6). Government officials repeatedly feature in TAEC’s digital engagement, like the music videos, highlighting how the government audits, approves of, and therefore endorses TAEC through engaging with the Commission, its officers, and its infrastructure. This strategically relates public figures who embody the Tanzanian state with the agency responsible for regulating radiation. This kind of internal-referencing is characteristic of hierarchical organizations which operate by two-directional gestures of trust to and from powerful actors (Therkildsen 2014).
Figure 7: Local news coverage of the European Union’s 2018 review of a sponsored TAEC laboratory. Author’s archives.
Second, trust in TAEC also builds on connection with international bodies, asymmetrical relations often associated with unequal power dynamics that are historically situated, with political, economic, and moral implications (Allard 2012). TAEC positions itself in conversation and collaboration with the likes of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and the European Union (EU) (Figure 7). TAEC’s social media is peppered with visits from these international organizations and others. TAEC utilizes connections to international organizations to develop infrastructure and have greater capacity for nuclear research and regulation, making themselves a regional hub for radiation science and protection.
Trust, in this permutation, is based in knowledgeable officials.
Finally, this connection with international bodies situates the agency on the same playing field as international actors, and, in turn, the agency positions TAEC personnel as experts. Trust, in this permutation, is based in knowledgeable officials. Many different TAEC staff speak to the public in newspapers, and TV and radio interviews, and on TAEC’s social media channels. There is no single face of TAEC, although the Director General is the most prominent. Communication of TAEC’s responsibilities and about radiation science is an ongoing on and offline project for the agency, with regular appearances in-person. This includes educational outreach booths offering one-to-one discussions at national festivals like the agricultural exhibition and the international trade fair.
The music videos highlight the construction of buildings, showcase equipment, and place this infrastructure and technology in connection with international organizations as well as Tanzanian government officials, visualizing the Tanzanian nuclear state for all Tanzanians.
These three trust-building techniques all feature in the music videos. With these videos, TAEC is trying to place its work more in the public eye by creating music videos which sound, look, and feel like Tanzanian hits. This could be an innovative regulator trying to build trust with the public by laying down familiar beats and catchy refrains that make TAEC and its work accessible and knowable (not to mention ‘modern’ and, maybe even cool). The music videos highlight the construction of buildings, showcase equipment, and place this infrastructure and technology in connection with international organizations as well as Tanzanian government officials, visualizing the Tanzanian nuclear state for all Tanzanians.
Still, in TAEC’s digital engagement, the commission walks a fine line in attempting to explain its work to the Tanzanian public. In a country where secondary school enrolment hovers at around 30%, explanations about electrons and x-rays must be translated expertly for an audience with limited science education. Across TAEC’s YouTube channel, for example, TAEC regulators show laboratory equipment, explaining what they are for, and how they work. These experts grapple with translating key scientific terms into Kiswahili, often adding in English words, creating fusion words, and sometimes providing Kiswahili explanations.
This digital ethnography needs to be further embedded in the realities of digital citizenship in Tanzania. 2024 estimates place around 1/3 of Tanzanians as online, with about 8% using social media. Sparse digital engagement speaks to the limitations of reaching various parts of the Tanzanian public via social media. TAEC’s digital media presence is as noteworthy as are its aggressive ongoing efforts to place itself in traditional media outlets like radio, but also newspapers and TV, as illustrated by the morning show interview. TAEC seems to use the same tools online as it did offline for establishing its publics, translating scientific knowledge, building trust in its regulatory capacity, and also creating a shared vision for a technologically advanced future.5
This research is ongoing, and many questions remain. With such limited digital engagement, how do Tanzanian atomic energy regulators gauge the success of their online outreach? How can analysis of TAEC’s digital outreach also consider the ways in which this work echoes the rhythms, aesthetics, and relationalities of an emerging Tanzanian middle class? Addressing the opening question posed by the journalist, it seems like TAEC wants ordinary Tanzanians to think of their agency as a trusted regulator of powerful, but controllable substances and technologies that have the potential to improve the lives of citizens. Rather than interpret this as diverting resources and attention from ‘real’ regulatory work, I argue that the agency’s digital messaging attempts to shape the public’s responses to its work as a necessary step to building public trust in nuclear energy regulatory authority. Online, TAEC uses rhetorical, relational, and aesthetic tactics to herald a techno-optimistic vision of the future, featuring its role as the country’s trusted voice on nuclear science, technology, safety, and security.
Featured image: Still from Mrisho Mpoto’s music video for “Zokikita”.
Notes
References
Allard, Olivier. 2012. “Bureaucratic Anxiety: Asymmetrical Interactions and the Role of Documents in the Orinoco Delta, Venezuela.” In HAU: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 2 (2): 234–56.
Degani, Michael. 2022. The City Electric: Infrastructure and Ingenuity in Postsocialist Tanzania. Durham: Duke University Press.
Hecht, Gabrielle. 2012. Being Nuclear: Africans and the Global Uranium Trade. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Mwakibete, Edwin Anderson. 2021. “Popular Musicians Escaping Political Censorship in Tanzania: Tactics of Mrisho Mpoto and Professor Jay.” In Utafiti: Journal of African Perspectives 16 (1): 23–43.
Therkildsen, Ole. 2014. “Working in Neopatrimonial Settings: Public Sector Staff Perception in Tanzania and Uganda.” In States at Work : Dynamics of African Bureaucracies, edited by Thomas Bierschenk and Jean-Pierre Olivier de Sardan. Brill.
Abstract: This digital ethnography of an East African government agency examines online practices that communicate regulatory responsibilities and capacities. Focusing on Tanzanian nuclear energy regulators’ online messaging, I consider how they share scientific knowledge and agency activities, and also how the agency’s digital communications attempt to build the public’s trust in its regulatory authority. On digital media, the regulator’s focus towards nuclear power is less about a ‘climate neutral’ energy source, than about meeting growing energy needs and economic expectations. Concentrating on two agency-sponsored music videos, I trace how the agency heralds a particular vision of the (nuclear) future. The regulators’ digital engagement projects a hopeful, modernizing optimism in which nuclear energy and technology emerge as a powerful and positive force to advance the country’s development agenda. This nuclear future is underlined in the music videos and other digital communications by tactics which encourage Tanzanians to place their trust in the national nuclear energy regulator.
